Gabriel Trejo, a former police inspector in Algete, Madrid, was disqualified from the police force in 2014 after investigating a case of alleged torture by Guardia Civil officers. Despite the victims not filing complaints and even expressing gratitude for his actions, Trejo was convicted of illegal detention. His investigation into the torture case was abruptly halted, and he believes his disqualification was a retaliatory move by the implicated officers. Trejo's efforts to obtain a pardon have garnered widespread support from various political groups and organizations, but the Ministry of Justice has yet to respond. The article criticizes the judicial system and police misconduct while portraying Trejo as a victim of systemic injustice.

Eunate Martínez, a young tenant in Madrid, faces eviction due to a temporary rental contract for her room, which is governed by the Civil Code rather than the Law of Urban Leases (LAU). This legal loophole allows landlords to bypass tenant protections, leading to frequent rent increases and evictions. The Sindicato de Inquilinas de Madrid highlights that such cases are common but often go unchallenged. The article underscores the precarious situation of young tenants and the broader issue of rental fraud, calling for greater tenant rights and legal reforms.

In Madrid's Tetuán neighborhood, the UIP evicted Liomare, her two daughters, and four grandchildren from their home, despite previous attempts to prevent it. The family, unable to pay rent due to financial hardship, faced eviction by the property owner GM-Reo. The Assembly of Housing of Tetuán criticized the use of police force and the lack of application of a decree to halt evictions for vulnerable families. Simultaneously, another eviction occurred in Vallecas, involving a family struggling to secure social rent from La Caixa and TDA-28. The article highlights the challenges faced by vulnerable families and the organizations advocating for their housing rights.

Two participants from the 2018 8M rally in Murcia face up to a year in prison for allegedly injuring a police officer. Sandra, one of the accused, recounts the peaceful nature of the protest until police intervention. The protest coincided with a significant local movement for the undergrounding of train tracks. Despite accusations, there is a lack of evidence against Sandra, and her supporters claim the charges are retaliatory due to her activism. Sandra is scheduled for a preliminary hearing on May 18, with potential penalties including imprisonment, fines, and compensation.

The Prosecutor's Office has denied that Carlos Sánchez Mato and Celia Mayer committed misconduct when they investigated irregularities in the Madrid Tennis Open. The investigation, initiated by the Grupo Municipal Popular and the association Transparencia y Justicia, accused them of prevarication and embezzlement for commissioning legal reports on the contracts between the City Council and Madrid Trophy Promotion. The reports revealed significant costs and irregularities in the event's organization. Despite the accusations, the Prosecutor's Office has requested the dismissal of the case, stating no laws were broken. The article highlights the financial burden of the Tennis Open on Madrid's public funds and the political and legal battles surrounding the event.

Two workers at Parque Warner in Madrid reported experiencing sexual harassment by a direct employee of Parques Reunidos shortly after starting their jobs. Despite filing complaints and an investigation being initiated, no conclusive action was taken, and the workers continued to face harassment. Eventually, both were dismissed under disciplinary grounds, leading them to file a legal complaint for wrongful termination, alleging violations of fundamental rights. The case is pending a judicial decision.

Activists gathered in front of the Spanish Congress to protest the continued enforcement of the Gag Law, which they argue restricts freedom of expression and the right to protest. Despite promises from Pedro Sánchez and the PSOE to repeal the law, significant restrictive articles remain. Organizations like Amnistía Internacional and Extinction Rebellion highlight the law's impact on civil liberties and call for urgent reforms. The current reform process is criticized for potentially maintaining many of the law's most oppressive elements.

The article discusses the challenging working conditions faced by female packers in Almería's horticultural sector, highlighting issues such as wage disparity, lack of job security, and inadequate working conditions. Despite a significant strike in December 2020, improvements have been minimal, with some workers facing retaliation. Major companies like Grupo Única, Grupo Fresh, and La Unión are mentioned as key players in the industry, often associated with poor labor practices. The article also touches on the role of organizations like the Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Andalucía and the union CSIF in advocating for workers' rights.

A casino in Burgos is seeking five-year prison sentences and fines for five individuals who protested against its opening, accusing them of threats and coercion. The protestors' lawyer argues that the accusations are exaggerated and intended to intimidate those opposing gambling establishments. The case, initially dismissed, was reopened by the Audiencia Provincial, adding charges related to published articles about the casino and its management.

A.Z., a Moroccan-born Muslim with a high-ranking position in a multinational company, and his wife A.M.R. were arrested in 2016 in an anti-jihadist operation in Pinto, Spain. They were accused of indoctrination and glorification of jihadist terrorism, convicted in 2018, and acquitted in 2019 after the Supreme Court ordered a retrial due to procedural guarantees not being respected. A.Z. spent three years in provisional detention under isolation and FIES-3, while A.M.R. spent nearly a year in detention. Their children were cared for by grandparents in Morocco. Upon release, A.Z. was certified with a 76% disability due to his detention and time in prison. In November 2022, the Contencioso-Administrativo Chamber of the National Court condemned Spain to pay the family nearly half a million euros in compensation for wrongful imprisonment. The family is currently trying to rebuild their lives.

Daniel Esteve, leader of Desokupa, and others have been summoned to testify in a Madrid court regarding the illegal eviction of the social center La Pluma in June 2018. The eviction involved homophobic insults and violence. The property is owned by ZZ Inmobiliari Proxima, linked to the Fernández Luengo family, who also own hairdressing chains Marco Aldany and Rizos. The police contradicted the property owner's account of the eviction, and the LGBTQ+ community in Madrid has expressed support for the legal action against such companies.

Activists from the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages (PAH) and the Tenants' Union occupied the offices of the American investment fund Cerberus for six hours, securing a meeting on April 7 to discuss the situation of 25 families threatened with eviction from their homes. Cerberus, which has been acquiring properties from Banco Santander, Sabadell, and BBVA across the Community of Madrid, has informed tenants that their leases will not be renewed. The PAH criticizes Cerberus for its practices, including alleged harassment to force tenants out. The action is part of the ongoing 'War on Cerberus' campaign, highlighting the fund's speculative activities and lack of social responsibility.

Dmitry Volovikov, a 30-year-old from Baskortostán, Russia, fled to Spain to avoid being conscripted into the war against Ukraine. He describes the Russian government's coercive recruitment practices, despite official statements claiming only those with military experience would be drafted. Volovikov, who had been living in Saint Petersburg, left behind friends and family and is now seeking refugee status in Spain. He recounts the difficulties of living in Russia during the war, the social pressures to conform, and the fear of openly opposing the government. He is currently awaiting an asylum interview and is unable to work, relying on assistance from organizations like CEAR and the kindness of locals.

Adrián Sas, an activist involved in the Catalan independence movement, could be the first person imprisoned for protests on the first anniversary of the October 1st referendum. He was sentenced to three and a half years for aggravated assault on authority and injuries by the Audiencia Provincial de Barcelona. The sentence was confirmed by the Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Catalunya, and Sas is awaiting a decision on his appeal to the Tribunal Supremo. He refuses to voluntarily enter prison and does not seek an individual pardon, advocating for a total amnesty for political prisoners.

Nine years after the eviction of Can Piella, a collective project that revived an abandoned farmhouse near Barcelona, five individuals involved face trial for resistance and assault on authority, with potential penalties including prison and fines. The project, which lasted three years, became a reference in self-management and agroecology. Despite attempts to negotiate with the property's new owners, the Grupo Alcaraz, and significant community support, the eviction proceeded. The legal process continues, with the trial set for April 5, and the defendants have launched a campaign for financial support. Can Piella, no longer owned by Grupo Alcaraz but by a bank, still hosts social projects, and the original members continue to work on alternative living projects.

Organizations advocating for freedom of information are concerned about the effectiveness of Spain's new whistleblower protection law, which they believe is insufficient. The law, mandated by the European Union, only protects whistleblowers who obtain information in their work environment and only if the information reveals serious crimes. It does not exempt whistleblowers from criminal responsibility on how they obtained the information. Critics argue that without an absolute excuse in the Penal Code, whistleblowers will still be vulnerable to prosecution for revealing secrets. The law has passed the Congress and is now heading to the Senate for further amendments.

Graviela González Sánchez experienced police violence after celebrating her wedding anniversary at a nightclub in Alcobendas, resulting in hospitalization and a seven-centimeter facial wound requiring stitches. The incident involved discriminatory remarks by the police, who refused to call an ambulance when Graviela fainted. Graviela and her friend Alexandra Aguero, who was also assaulted, filed a complaint against the police. Graviela vows to pursue her rights to the end, despite the fear that often prevents victims from reporting such incidents.

Alexander Vasudevan, an associate professor of human geography at the University of Oxford, has studied the impact of squatting on urban development for 15 years. His book 'La ciudad autónoma' explores how squatting has shaped cities like New York, Berlin, Copenhagen, and Amsterdam. The book, originally published in 2017 and recently translated into Spanish by Alianza Editorial, argues that squatting has often been at the forefront of urban regeneration and gentrification processes. Vasudevan discusses the historical context of squatting in response to housing crises and its role in creating alternative community infrastructures. He also touches on the criminalization of squatting in places like the UK and the Netherlands, and the paradox of squatters inadvertently paving the way for gentrification.

Ten companies control 12% of rented properties in the Community of Madrid, with Blackstone being the largest landlord. The concentration of rental properties among a few investment funds has led to significant rent increases and tenant struggles. The Sindicato de Inquilinas e Inquilinos de Madrid and local authorities have criticized these practices, while the regional government maintains that market forces should regulate the housing market. The article highlights the impact of policies favoring investment funds and the resulting housing market tensions.

In Andalusia, 58,997 rental homes are owned by large landlords, with CaixaBank being the second largest. Public entities, including the Junta de Andalucía and various city councils, own the majority of these properties. Financial institutions like CaixaBank, Unicaja, and Banco Santander also hold significant numbers of rental properties. The Junta de Andalucía faces criticism for its chaotic management of public housing, with a significant portion of its housing stock unaccounted for. The article highlights the disparity in rental housing availability across different municipalities in Andalusia.

CaixaBank is the second largest landlord in Catalonia, following the Generalitat, with over 5,000 rental properties. The article highlights criticisms from Jaime Palomera of the Sindicat de Llogateres, who accuses CaixaBank of evicting tenants from protected housing to raise rents. The Generalitat remains the largest landlord with over 10,000 properties, while the Ajuntament de Barcelona is third. The article also discusses the role of investment funds like Cerberus and Blackstone in the rental market, noting their aggressive practices. Smaller local funds are also highlighted for their seasonal rental strategies, which are seen as detrimental to long-term housing stability.

CaixaBank is the second largest landlord in Catalonia, owning over 5,000 rental properties, second only to the Generalitat de Catalunya. The article highlights criticisms from Jaime Palomera, who accuses CaixaBank of evicting tenants to raise rents. The Generalitat owns the most rental properties through various public entities, while the Ajuntament de Barcelona is the third largest landlord. The article also discusses the concentration of rental properties among a few large entities and the impact of investment funds like Cerberus and Blackstone on the housing market. Recent legislative changes aim to protect public housing from being converted to market-rate properties.

Ten companies control 12% of rented properties in the Community of Madrid, with Blackstone being the largest landlord. The concentration of rental properties among a few investment funds has led to significant rent increases and tenant displacement. The Sindicato de Inquilinas e Inquilinos de Madrid and local authorities have criticized these practices and called for regulatory changes. The article highlights the impact of policies that have facilitated the concentration of rental properties in the hands of investment funds, leading to a strained housing market.

Mariló Gorostiaga, detained in 1994 and subjected to torture, is part of the Red de Personas Torturadas en Navarra, which aims to bring visibility to the reality of torture in Navarra. A report by the Instituto Vasco de Criminología reveals at least 676 people were tortured in Navarra from the start of democracy until 2015, with an additional 200 cases between 1960 and 1978. The network, formed around 2018, seeks recognition, repair, and non-repetition rather than punitive justice. Gorostiaga criticizes the lack of investigation into her torture and the broader issue of systemic torture in Spain.

In 2023, Volkswagen and Envision were the top recipients of subsidies in Spain, with Volkswagen receiving nearly 300 million euros, primarily for its battery factory in Valencia, and Envision receiving 200 million euros for a battery megafactory in Cáceres. Other significant beneficiaries included Avatel Telecom, Telefónica, and Iberdrola. The subsidies were part of a broader government effort to support industries, particularly in the electric vehicle and renewable energy sectors. The article also highlights the financial challenges and strategic decisions faced by companies like Stellantis and Cosentino amid regulatory and market pressures.

In 2023, Catalan prisons used mechanical restraints on inmates nearly a thousand times, three times more than the rest of Spain. The majority of these restraints were for regimental reasons, a practice abolished in other European countries. Efforts to reduce the use of restraints are underway, with the Catalan government aiming for zero mechanical restraints. Measures include hiring professionals for conflict prevention and creating de-escalation spaces. Legislative actions and expert opinions highlight the ongoing debate and policy changes in prison management.

Three companies, Banco Santander, BuildingCenter (a subsidiary of CaixaBank), and Nestar Residencial (owned by CBRE), hold over 50 rental deposits each in the Canary Islands, collectively accounting for over 300 rental contracts. Despite the legal requirement to deposit rental deposits with the regional administration, compliance is low, with only 2,907 deposits registered out of over 100,000 rented properties. Public housing in the Canary Islands is also insufficient, with a significant gap between available public rental units and the number of applicants. The rising property prices, driven by foreign purchases and vacation rentals, exacerbate the housing crisis.

A total of 19,005 rented homes in the Valencian Community are owned by large landlords with more than 50 rentals each. These properties represent 13.9% of the 136,332 rented homes with a deposit in the region as of June 2023. Over 76% of these homes are controlled by just ten major landlords, including public housing bodies and financial institutions like CaixaBank, Banco Sabadell, and Banco Santander, as well as U.S. investment funds Cerberus, Blackstone, and TPG. CaixaBank is the largest private landlord with 2,671 rented homes, followed by Banco Sabadell with 1,350. The Generalitat Valenciana is the largest overall landlord with 5,611 rented homes. Municipalities like Alicante, Valencia, and Gandía also have significant public rental housing stocks.

The article examines the use of Taser guns by Spanish police forces, highlighting the discrepancies between manufacturer Axon's safety recommendations and the actual protocols followed by various police departments. It discusses specific cases where Taser use led to severe consequences, particularly for individuals with mental health issues. The article also critiques the lack of comprehensive safety measures in police protocols and includes perspectives from human rights organizations like Amnistía Internacional, which advocate for stricter regulations to prevent misuse and potential fatalities.

The article examines the use of mechanical restraints, such as shackles, in Spanish juvenile centers following the enactment of the Child Protection Law. Despite the law's intention to limit such practices, data reveals that restraints have been used extensively, with some cases exceeding 48 hours. The article highlights the ongoing use of restraints in certain regions and centers, despite legal restrictions, and criticizes the law's shortcomings. It also discusses the historical context of restraint use, including past fatalities, and features perspectives from organizations advocating for the abolition of these practices.

In 2023, Catalan prisons used mechanical restraints with straps significantly more frequently than the rest of Spain, with 923 applications out of a national total of 1,282. The article highlights the disparity in the use of restraints, noting that Catalonia accounted for nearly three-quarters of all cases. The report includes expert analysis from Iñaki Rivera of OSPDH and discusses policy changes and resistance within the prison system. The Catalan government aims to reduce the use of mechanical restraints, implementing measures to prevent violence and conflicts in prisons. Legislative actions and expert recommendations are also discussed, emphasizing a move towards minimizing the use of such restraints.

In Galicia, private companies own over 4,210 rental properties, with Grupo Lavandeira and Blackstone among the largest landlords. Despite a smaller proportion of private rental properties compared to regions like Madrid and Catalonia, rental prices in Galicia continue to rise, driven by large property owners and the proliferation of tourist accommodations. The Xunta de Galicia and local municipalities own a comparable number of rental properties, but public housing remains limited. The article highlights the challenges in the housing market, including rising rents and insufficient public housing, with calls for increased transparency and accountability in housing policies.

In Navarre, eleven business groups, through 15 companies, own 18% of the 12,167 homes registered for rent, with Adania Grupo Empresarial and Caja Rural de Navarra being the largest private landlords. Blackstone, through Testa Residencial, and the German consultant Catella are the foreign companies with significant rental properties. Blackstone has been involved in rental conflicts, notably attempting to raise rents by nearly 50% during the Covid-19 pandemic. Navarra de Suelo y Vivienda, a public entity, is the largest landlord in the region. The housing rights collective Haritu criticizes the lack of public housing and the difficult conditions for migrants who often overpay for substandard accommodations.

An investigation by Civio reveals that only three out of every hundred rented homes in Galicia are owned by private megatenants. The data, obtained through transparency portals, shows that Testa Residencial Socimi and Lazora SII are the primary private entities with significant rental holdings. The Instituto Gallego de la Vivienda y Suelo and the Concello de A Coruña are the main public entities with large rental portfolios. The study highlights discrepancies in reported figures and the involvement of various corporate structures in the real estate market.

The Education Department is progressing with improvements to its contracting system, including automation and integration of applications, avoiding information duplication, and generating documentation about the process. The department's efforts have resulted in only 13 administrative appeals and 99% of appointments being made within the first or second working day, positively impacting the quality of the educational system.

The European Commission has approved an extension for the opening of crisis centers against sexual violence, delaying the deadline to December 2024. While some centers in Cantabria, Madrid, and Asturias are already operational, others in regions like Nafarroa and Aragón are expected to open soon. The delay is attributed to supply chain issues, transportation problems, and inflation exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. These centers will provide 24-hour support to women over 16 who are victims or survivors of sexual violence, without requiring a formal complaint, and will focus on the needs and demands of the victims.

Adania Grupo Empresarial, Caja Rural de Navarra, and Blackstone are identified as the major landlords in Navarra, with Adania leading with 564 rental contracts. Blackstone, despite having fewer properties in Navarra compared to Madrid, has been involved in significant housing conflicts, particularly in Pamplona's Buztintxuri neighborhood. The public sector, led by Navarra de Suelo y Vivienda, manages the largest number of rental properties, though the availability of public housing remains limited. Activist group Haritu highlights the severe housing shortage and the challenges faced by migrants and low-income families in securing affordable housing.

Corporate sponsorships play a significant role in funding the annual National Day celebrations held by Spanish embassies and consulates worldwide. Companies contribute various amounts, often in-kind, to support these events, with notable contributions from Técnicas Reunidas, Indra, and La Liga. The total sponsorships amount to nearly 300,000 euros, with significant donations in countries like Belgium, Ecuador, and Saudi Arabia. The article highlights the financial contributions, the benefits companies receive in return, and the ongoing practice of corporate sponsorships for public events since 2018.

The Spanish government is under scrutiny for allegedly using the Pegasus spyware to surveil at least 65 pro-independence Catalan and Basque politicians and activists. The espionage, revealed by The New Yorker and investigated by Citizen Lab, implicates the Spanish Ministry of Interior. Carles Puigdemont and other affected individuals plan to file lawsuits against the Spanish state and NSO Group. The government denies involvement but cites national security to avoid detailed responses. Amnesty International calls for a thorough investigation by the European Parliament.

On March 22, 1984, a police ambush in Bahía de Pasaia led to the extrajudicial killing of four members of the Comandos Autónomos Anticapitalistas, with Joseba Merino as the sole survivor. Despite Merino's persistent efforts to seek justice, the investigation faced numerous obstacles and repeated archival. The Audiencia Provincial de Gipuzkoa has now ordered a lineup for seven National Police agents, potentially reopening the case. The article highlights the historical context of state violence during the dirty war against ETA, the involvement of various legal bodies, and the ongoing struggle for accountability.

The proposed legal reform by PSOE and Unidas Podemos aims to reduce penalties for public disorder offenses, eliminating the crime of sedition and introducing new definitions for intimidation and public order disturbances. While the reform is seen as a step forward, concerns remain about its potential misuse by conservative judges and its impact on protest rights. Jaume Asens, a key figure in the proposal, acknowledges the law's limitations and the need for further changes to ensure it aligns with more progressive ideals.

On March 22, 1984, in Bahía de Pasaia, Spanish police ambushed and killed four members of the Comandos Autónomos Anticapitalistas, with Joseba Merino as the sole survivor. For 39 years, Merino has sought justice, facing repeated judicial dismissals. The upcoming identification of seven National Police agents could lead to a breakthrough in the case. The incident occurred during Spain's 'dirty war' against ETA, with accusations of state-sanctioned extrajudicial killings. The article underscores the persistent struggle for accountability and the systemic challenges in addressing state crimes.

An undercover police officer, identified as Mavi L.F., infiltrated various social movements in Madrid, including CSO La Animosa and Extinction Rebellion. The infiltration raised suspicions due to her behavior and false background stories. The police department denies any knowledge of the infiltration. Social movements are concerned about the impact of such actions on their activities and trust within their communities.

Residents of various Madrid neighborhoods have united against urban development plans by the city council led by José Luís Martínez-Almeida. These plans include the construction of skyscrapers, parking lots, and the conversion of public spaces into commercial areas, which residents argue favor private interests over community needs. The article highlights the efforts of community groups and organizations like Ecologistas en Acción and the Federación Regional de Asociaciones Vecinales de Madrid (FRAVM) to oppose these developments. Key issues include the loss of public services, environmental degradation, and the transformation of the city into a space focused on tourism and consumption. The sentiment towards the city council and associated companies like Metrovacesa and Banco Santander is largely negative, while community organizations are viewed positively.

Entrepatios, a cooperative housing project in Madrid, realized the vision of Nacho Garcia and Iñaki Alonso to create a sustainable, communally-owned living space. Despite initial challenges in securing land and financing, the project succeeded with the help of ethical banks and the dedication of its members. The building, designed with ecological principles, supports a carbon-neutral lifestyle and fosters a strong sense of community among its 17 resident families. The initiative highlights the potential for cooperative housing to address urban housing issues and promote sustainable living.

Mariló Gorostiaga, a victim of torture in 1994, discusses the efforts of the Red de Personas Torturadas en Navarra to bring awareness to the systematic torture in Navarra. The Instituto Vasco de Criminología's report reveals that at least 676 people were tortured between the start of democracy and 2015, with additional cases from 1960 to 1978. The network continues to gather testimonies, aiming for social, institutional, and political recognition of these abuses. Despite the significant findings, the report is incomplete due to time and budget constraints. The network seeks recognition, reparation, and guarantees of non-repetition, rather than punitive justice. The article also highlights the complicity of various state actors in perpetuating torture and the ongoing struggle for acknowledgment and prevention of such practices.

The Sindicat de Llogateres has called on PSOE, Unidas Podemos, and ERC to retract a proposed reform of the Penal Code that modifies the offense of public disorder. The organization warns that the changes could penalize peaceful protests historically used to fight for basic rights. The reform includes penalties for non-violent occupations of public or private establishments, which critics argue could be more easily applied to protests. Legal experts and the Sindicat de Llogateres express concerns that the reform could threaten the right to protest, particularly with the inclusion of terms like 'intimidation' and new aggravated disorder offenses.

The article discusses the increasing use of SLAPPs (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation) to intimidate and silence journalists, activists, and human rights defenders in Spain and the European Union. It highlights several cases, including those of Iñaki Rivera, Jaime Palomera, and others, who have faced legal harassment for their activism. The European Commission is working on a directive to combat SLAPPs, recognizing them as a threat to democratic values and fundamental rights. The article underscores the need for legal protections and support for those targeted by such lawsuits.

The article discusses the history and significance of the Ventas women's prison in Madrid, which was demolished in 1972. It highlights the efforts of the 15M movement and local activists to preserve the memory of the prison and its inmates through various projects, including a web-based memorial. The article criticizes the current Madrid city council, led by José Luis Martínez-Almeida, for blocking these memory projects and praises the support from organizations like the Fundación Rosa Luxemburgo. The narrative underscores the importance of remembering the historical injustices faced by the women imprisoned during the Francoist regime.

In November 2020, four Mossos d'Esquadra officers allegedly beat a person without cause and falsified a report to justify their actions, as evidenced by a video recorded by a neighbor. The Prosecutor is seeking eight years of imprisonment and 16 years of disqualification for each officer for multiple offenses, including injuries, moral integrity violations, illegal detention, and document falsification. The human rights defense center Iridia is pushing for even harsher penalties. The incident occurred in Barcelona's Ciutat Vella neighborhood during the COVID-19 state of emergency.

Twelve victims of torture during the Francoist dictatorship in Spain have turned to the United Nations to denounce the Spanish judicial system for not investigating and prosecuting these historical crimes. Despite multiple attempts to seek justice through Spanish courts, including the Tribunal Constitucional, their cases have been consistently rejected. The victims, supported by organizations like CeAQUA and La Comuna Asociación de Presos y Represaliados por la Dictadura Franquista, argue that Spain's refusal to investigate these crimes violates international human rights and criminal law. Recent legislative efforts to address these issues were also blocked in the Spanish Congress.

Carles Vallejo, detained and tortured in 1970 by the Brigada Político Social in Barcelona, has filed the first lawsuit under the new Democratic Memory Law, aiming to investigate Francoist crimes. Vallejo's account details severe physical and psychological torture over 20 days. The lawsuit, supported by various organizations, seeks to convert the Via Laietana police station into a memorial space. The Democratic Memory Law offers a glimmer of hope for justice, despite historical challenges in prosecuting Francoist crimes. Vallejo's case is part of a broader campaign for collective memory and justice for victims of the Franco regime.

Two activists from the environmental group Futuro Vegetal protested at Cortylandia, a center of El Corte Inglés in Madrid, by throwing red paint and setting off smoke flares to denounce the store's promotion of brands that harm the planet. They highlighted the urgent need for climate justice and criticized the agro-food model for its role in the climate emergency. The police detained the activists and journalists covering the event, later releasing them with proposed sanctions under the Citizen Security Law.

A report by Iridia, Novact, and Rights International Spain reveals significant deficiencies in transparency and accountability mechanisms within Spanish police forces. The report highlights issues such as the lack of proper investigation into allegations of torture and mistreatment, the inactivity of the Ministry Fiscal, and the opaqueness of internal disciplinary procedures. It also points out the absence of public protocols for the use of force and less-lethal weapons, and the ongoing problem of ethnic profiling. The report calls for the establishment of independent external bodies to oversee police conduct, as current mechanisms are deemed insufficient.

Mechanical restraints are used significantly more in Catalonia's prisons compared to the rest of Spain, with 1,274 instances out of 1,963 nationwide between January 2021 and September 2022. The practice, considered torture by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, is used extensively in psychiatric units within prisons. The article highlights the ethical concerns, regulatory gaps, and the disproportionate impact on vulnerable groups, including women and young inmates. Experts call for better alternatives and transparency in the use of such measures.

The article discusses the severe psychological and physical consequences of the isolation regime in Spanish prisons, particularly focusing on a case where a man was unjustly imprisoned and suffered significant disabilities. Pau Pérez Sales, a prominent figure in mental health and human rights, highlights the systemic issues within the prison system, including the overuse of preventive detention and the lack of adequate mental health care. The article underscores the need for reform and better support for prisoners, emphasizing that the current system often exacerbates mental health issues, leading to a vicious cycle of isolation and further punishment.

Ángel Gabilondo, the Defensor del Pueblo, presented the 2021 Annual Report of the National Mechanism for the Prevention of Torture, highlighting ongoing issues in police stations and detention centers in Spain. Despite some progress, significant deficiencies remain, particularly in transparency and the handling of complaints about mistreatment and torture. The report criticizes the Policía Nacional and the Dirección General de Policía for not implementing recommended protocols and emphasizes the need for better regulations, transparency, and access to legal representation for detainees. The article underscores the importance of addressing these human rights concerns to ensure the protection and reintegration of individuals deprived of liberty.

A couple was awarded nearly half a million euros in compensation after being wrongfully imprisoned for one and three years under FIES, accused of terrorism-related activities. The Spanish Supreme Court found no evidence to support the charges, leading to their acquittal. The husband suffered severe psychiatric damage, resulting in a 76% disability, while the wife experienced psychological trauma. Their lawyer, Eric Sanz de Bremond, highlighted the irreversible damage and the impact on their children, who were left without their parents during the imprisonment.

The family of Yolanda González, murdered by Emilio Hellín in 1980, expresses outrage over his recent hiring by the defense of Laura Borrás. Despite past promises from the Ministry of Interior to prevent Hellín from working for the state, he continues to be employed in legal cases. The family and their lawyer, José Mariano Benítez de Lugo, argue that Hellín's involvement is unethical given his history and lack of remorse. The article highlights the family's call for ethical standards in political and institutional decisions, and criticizes the continued use of Hellín's services despite his criminal past.

Four lawsuits have been filed by victims and their families for torture and crimes committed during Franco's regime, supported by the Coordinadora estatal de apoyo a la Querella Argentina contra crímenes del franquismo (Ceaqua). These are the first cases to reach the courts following the approval of the Democratic Memory Law, which aims to end the impunity for Francoist crimes. The article details the harrowing experiences of the victims, including Concepción Edo Gil, Julio Pacheco Yepes, Vicent Alminyana, and Xosé Ramón ‘Moncho’ Reboriras, and highlights the challenges faced in seeking justice. The article also discusses the potential impact of recent legal and international developments on these cases.

In the Basque Country, 22 public companies and entities hold over 50 rented homes each, accounting for more than 17% of the region's 75,000 rented dwellings. The majority are public housing, with the Basque Government being the largest landlord. In contrast to Madrid and Catalonia, where there are 317 and 252 major private housing holders respectively, the Basque Country has only 15. The American real estate firm CBRE, through Lazora SII and Inmobiliaria Vascongada, and financial entities like Kutxabank, CaixaBank, and Blackstone are significant private holders. The Basque Country's rental market is among Spain's most expensive, with no housing available for rent under 600 euros in provincial capitals. The Basque Housing Law of 2015, which was the first to develop the constitutional right to housing, is not fully effective due to low-income thresholds and long waiting periods for protected housing, leaving many without access to affordable housing.

An investigation requested information through Transparency portals about legal entities with more than 50 rented properties in autonomous communities where rental deposit registration is mandatory. The data from Aragon, provided by the Servicio de Vivienda Social de la Dirección General de Vivienda y Rehabilitación as of May 12, 2023, included the social denomination of the legal entities, the number of rented properties, and the total amount of deposited bonds. Additional information was obtained from Suelo y Vivienda de Aragón and through a second request to the Aragonese Transparency portal. Civio identified the parent companies of the legal entities using various sources, noting if they were publicly traded real estate investment trusts (socimi) or Luxembourg financial participation companies (soparfi) due to their common fiscal benefits.

Unicaja is identified as the largest landlord in Castilla-La Mancha with 1,595 rented homes. The investigation, conducted by Civio, involved requesting information through Transparency portals about entities with 50 or more rented homes. The data, provided by the Consejería de Fomento, included the names, CIF, and number of rented homes of these entities. Civio further identified the parent companies and noted if they were investment or financial participation companies benefiting from tax advantages.

Two workers are facing legal proceedings for allegedly threatening Spanish ministers Yolanda Díaz and José Luis Escrivá by hanging a banner opposing labor and pension reforms. The banner, displayed in Vallecas, Madrid, featured caricatures of the ministers and was part of a protest against recent legislative changes. Despite the accusations, Díaz's office stated she has not felt threatened nor taken legal action. The case highlights ongoing tensions around freedom of expression in Spain, with previous similar incidents being overturned in court. Supporters plan to rally in Madrid as the court decides whether to proceed with the case.

CSO La Atalaya, a social center in Vallecas, Madrid, faces a court-ordered eviction after eight years of operation. The center, managed by local youth, is contesting the order, arguing the space is vital for community activities. The legal action involves accusations of usurpation and electricity fraud, with the IVIMA and Naturgy as plaintiffs. The case is handled by Judge Adolfo Carretero Sánchez, known for controversial decisions. The center's members, including Laura, emphasize the importance of the space for the neighborhood and plan to resist the eviction.

Since 2015, the National Police of Spain, Generalitat de Catalunya, and Madrid City Council have been the top spenders on taser guns, accounting for 81.19% of the public investment in these weapons. The National Police's largest contract was for 1.73 million euros with Nidec in 2020. Despite the investment, the use of tasers is not widespread, with only 150 in use due to the requirement of compatible cameras. The use of taser guns is controversial, with organizations like Jupol advocating for their safety benefits, while others like Iridia and Amnesty International warn against their potential lethality and misuse. Municipalities have also been purchasing tasers, with varying levels of control over their use. Training for taser use is provided by companies like Nidec, Saborit, and Telefónica, with costs varying across different contracts.

The Provincial Court of Madrid has acquitted former councilor Carlos Sánchez Mato, Celia Mayer, and Ana Varela of charges of prevarication and embezzlement brought by the Popular Municipal Group. The court condemned the Popular Party for acting in bad faith and ordered them to pay the defense costs. The case involved investigations into contracts between the Madrid City Council and Madrid Trophy Promotion for the Tennis Open, which were suspected of financial misconduct. The court found that the accused acted lawfully and in the public interest.

Juan Manuel Rodríguez Gante, a tetraplegic man from Spain, has applied for a license from the Agencia Española del Medicamento y Productos Sanitarios (AEMPS) to cultivate medicinal cannabis for personal use. Despite the initial rejection, he and the Observatorio Europeo del Consumo y Cultivo del Cannabis (OECCC) are appealing the decision in court. His case highlights the broader issue faced by approximately 250,000 medicinal cannabis users in Spain. Rodríguez Gante's story is also featured in the documentary 'Marihuana para vivir,' which underscores his struggle and the potential impact of a favorable ruling on other patients. The article criticizes AEMPS for granting licenses to multinationals but not to individuals and emphasizes the legal and personal challenges Rodríguez Gante faces in his quest for medicinal cannabis.

More than 120 LGTBIQ and human rights groups urge the Spanish Government to disregard the CGPJ's report on the Trans Law, which they argue is non-binding and discriminatory. The CGPJ's report criticizes the law for potentially discriminating against non-trans women and suggests restrictive measures for minors seeking gender changes. Mar Cambrollé, president of Plataforma Trans, highlights the report's contradictions with constitutional and European resolutions and criticizes its stance on conversion therapies. The article underscores the CGPJ's conservative and reactionary history, advocating for the rights and recognition of trans individuals.

On March 21, activists from the Anti-Racist Movement of Madrid protested at the Ministry of Equality, demanding the resignation of Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska and Equality Minister Irene Montero for their roles in the June 2022 Melilla massacre. The protest coincided with the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the inauguration of the III Anti-Racist Week. The activists criticized Unidas Podemos for not supporting a parliamentary investigation into the events, despite earlier calls for an independent inquiry by Montero. The movement's manifesto accused Unidas Podemos of forming a pact with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party to prevent parliamentary reproach and ensure impunity for human rights violations.

The National Court has concluded the process initiated by the Ministry of Justice to illegalize the cannabis party Luz Verde, citing inactivity. The court ordered the case to be closed after the Ministry of Interior requested its dismissal, acknowledging that Luz Verde had corrected the formal defects in its statutes. The party, led by cannabis activist Fernanda de la Figuera, had been under scrutiny for statutory errors despite its known activities, including promoting cannabis club regulation in Navarre. The decision marks a significant legal victory for Luz Verde.

The article highlights the ongoing efforts by Pilar Iglesias Aparicio and the Federación Feminista Gloria Arenas to seek political action and investigation into the human rights violations committed by the Patronato de Protección a la Mujer during the Francoist regime. The Patronato, originally established to protect women, was used to detain and punish women who did not conform to the regime's national-Catholic ideals. The article underscores the need for political commitment to address these historical injustices and mentions the potential for international human rights organizations to be involved if local political entities do not respond.

Entrepatios, a cooperative housing project in Madrid, realized Nacho Garcia's vision of a communally-owned, zero carbon footprint housing model. Despite initial challenges, including finding land and securing financing, the project succeeded with the help of ethical banks Fiare and Triodos. The cooperative emphasizes sustainable living, with features like solar panels and rainwater collection, and fosters a strong sense of community among its 17 resident families. The project highlights the potential for cooperative housing to impact urban housing issues positively.

The proposed reform of the Spanish Penal Code suggests replacing prison sentences with fines for serious animal abuse crimes, raising concerns among animal rights advocates and legal professionals. The reform, which could be approved by Congress in February, is seen as a significant step backward, potentially undermining the deterrent effect of current penalties. While the reform includes some positive changes, such as recognizing animal abuse as a form of coercion in domestic violence, it also eliminates the criminalization of sexual exploitation of animals and weakens protections against pet theft.

The article explores the business of digital reputation management and the right to be forgotten, focusing on how companies like Eliminalia, Repscan, and Te Borramos operate to remove or obscure online content. It highlights the legal framework established by the European Court of Justice and the role of Google in handling removal requests. The piece also discusses the ethical concerns and questionable practices of some companies in this sector, emphasizing the impact on public figures and ordinary individuals alike.

Emilio Hellín Moro, a former member of the Spanish far-right party Fuerza Nueva, was involved in the kidnapping and murder of Yolanda González in 1980. After being sentenced to 43 years in prison, he escaped and fled to Paraguay during Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship, a haven for far-right individuals. In Paraguay, Hellín established businesses and reportedly had connections with the local government and police. He was eventually extradited back to Spain in 1990, served part of his sentence, and was released. Hellín changed his name to Luis Enrique Hellín and became a forensic computer expert, working with various Spanish security forces and as a court expert. His past resurfaced in media reports, but he continues to work in technology, maintaining a low profile.

Vilen Demin, a Russian activist who fled to Madrid, leads a group supporting conscientious objectors in Russia. He fears imprisonment due to new laws against anti-war opinions and activism. Demin highlights the growing anti-war sentiment in Russia, driven by fear of legal repercussions and economic incentives for military service. He discusses the challenges faced by Russian refugees, including financial difficulties and bureaucratic hurdles. Demin expresses a desire to return to Russia only when it is safe, criticizing the current government and its policies.

Joseba Azkarraga, spokesperson for Red Sare, discusses the progress and ongoing challenges in the treatment of ETA prisoners. While the policy of dispersing prisoners far from their families has ended, Azkarraga highlights the Spanish Prosecutor's Office's efforts to reverse the Basque Government's decisions to grant third-degree status, which allows semi-freedom. He criticizes the Spanish Government and judicial system for their handling of prisoners' rights, citing specific cases like Xabier Atristain and Joseba Arregui. Despite some progress, significant issues remain, including the treatment of elderly and ill prisoners.

The article discusses the ongoing issues surrounding the treatment of ETA prisoners in Spain, highlighting the end of the dispersal policy but noting continued challenges with the transition to third-degree status. Joseba Azkarraga from Red Sare criticizes the Spanish Government and the Prosecutor's Office for hindering the progression of prisoners to semi-liberty, despite many meeting the necessary conditions. The article also touches on specific cases, such as Xabier Atristain and Joseba Arregui, and the broader implications for human rights and justice in Spain.

The article discusses the infiltration of social movements by undercover police officers in Spain, highlighting several cases and the legal ambiguities surrounding such actions. It features interviews with activists and legal experts who argue that these infiltrations often lack judicial authorization and violate fundamental rights. The piece criticizes the use of police infiltrations as a means to gather information on social movements, suggesting that it undermines trust within these groups and disrupts their activities.

The Madrid Assembly is set to vote on the Omnibus Law, which aims to modify 33 regional laws and other regulations, on December 15, 2022. Despite 600 objections and 50,000 signatures calling for its withdrawal, the law is expected to pass with support from the PP and Vox. Critics, including Quique Villalobos of the FRAVM and Joaquín Villena of the Madrid Health Centers Platform, argue the law will reduce administrative controls, further privatize healthcare, and harm the environment. The law also allows for changes in urban planning, such as eliminating the requirement for developers to allocate land for public facilities, and introduces a public-private partnership model for managing urban licenses.

The article discusses the controversial changes in the child protection system in Madrid, initiated by the Consejería de Juventud, Familia y Política Social. It highlights the planned relocations of unaccompanied foreign minors and children with disabilities, which have faced criticism from social workers and other stakeholders. The article underscores the negative impact of these changes on the affected children and criticizes the shift towards privatizing child protection services. Key figures such as Concepción Dancausa and José Manuel Miranda de las Heras are mentioned, along with the involvement of political party Vox and the Defensor del Pueblo.

The article discusses the controversial changes in Madrid's child protection system, initiated by the Consejería de Juventud, Familia y Política Social. It highlights the planned closures and relocations of various child protection centers, which workers and social educators argue will dismantle the public network in favor of private entities. The article details the impact on unaccompanied foreign minors, children with disabilities, and the broader implications for the child protection system. Criticism is directed towards the handling of these changes by government officials, particularly Concepción Dancausa and José Manuel Miranda de las Heras, and the perceived negative consequences for the affected children and families.

Six young people, including Lalo Aracil and César, face two and a half years in prison for rebuilding the town of Fraguas, demolished by Franco in 1969. Despite their efforts to restore the town using traditional methods and seeking government authorization, they were charged with crimes against the territory and usurpation. The court has ordered them to pay nearly 110,000 euros for demolition costs or face imprisonment. The community project emphasizes self-management, food sovereignty, and mutual support, but faces opposition from the government of Castilla-La Mancha.

Six individuals face imprisonment or a €110,000 fine for rebuilding Fraguas, a town in Guadalajara, Spain, demolished in the 1960s and later used for military practices. They started a neo-rural life project in 2013, rebuilding houses, cultivating gardens, and reforesting with native trees. Despite their efforts, the Government of Castilla-La Mancha sued them, resulting in a 2018 conviction for crimes against the territory. Experts, including those from the CSIC and the University of Zaragoza, argue that the demolition is illegal and a loss of heritage. A multidisciplinary group from the University of Zaragoza is the last hope to prevent the demolition and the imprisonment of the settlers.

The article exposes the severe and frequent use of mechanical restraints in Catalan prisons, highlighting cases of individuals being tied to mattresses for extended periods, sometimes without necessity. It features statements from human rights organizations and experts who criticize these practices as inhumane and call for urgent action and transparency from the Generalitat and the Catalan Parliament. The article also notes that such practices have been abolished in other European countries and urges Spain to follow suit.

In 2021, 705 people died in workplace accidents in Spain, with the majority being men. The CGT union criticizes the high number of fatalities despite reduced work activity due to COVID-19. They attribute the accidents to insufficient safety measures, inadequate training, and precarious contracts, especially in subcontracted jobs. The union also blames the 2012 labor reform and ineffective safety strategies. They call for stricter enforcement of safety regulations through more inspections and sanctions. The article highlights the slow increase in labor inspectors and a decrease in inspections and sanctions.

Michel Wallemacq, the former head of operations at UC Global, testified in a Spanish court regarding allegations that the security company spied on Julian Assange during his asylum at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. Wallemacq denied claims that UC Global conducted espionage for the CIA, stating that any surveillance was done under the orders of Ecuador's intelligence services. The court is investigating a criminal complaint filed by Assange against UC Global and its founder David Morales. Two anonymous former UC Global staff have alleged that surveillance materials were provided to the CIA. The article also mentions upcoming testimonies by lawyer Melinda Taylor and Italian journalist Stefania Maurizi, who were both allegedly spied on by UC Global. The case is part of the broader context of Assange's potential extradition to the US, where he faces charges under the Espionage Act and the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act.

Gabriel Pombo da Silva, a Galician anarchist, has spent over 30 years of his life in prison for various crimes committed in the 90s. Despite claims by his lawyer, Manuel Chao Do Barro, that his sentences are extinct or prescribed, he remains incarcerated in Mansilla de las Mulas prison in León, Spain. Born into a family with communist and socialist leanings, Gabriel's life has been marked by his involvement in radical actions and his time in prison, where he has been subjected to systematic torture and isolation. After a brief period of freedom, he was arrested again in Portugal and extradited to Spain during the pandemic. He is currently studying the Middle Ages while in prison and awaiting the outcome of legal battles over the application of the principle of specialty and the accumulation of his sentences.

Grifols, a multinational pharmaceutical company originating from Catalonia, Spain, has become a leading firm in Europe for blood derivatives and ranks third globally, only surpassed by American companies CSL Behring and Shire. Despite its Spanish roots, Grifols has a significant presence in the United States, where it employs the majority of its workforce, pays over 80% of its taxes, and generates 66.5% of its business volume. The company has faced criticism for its tax optimization strategies, particularly in Ireland and the U.S., and for maintaining a substantial part of its operations outside of Spain. Grifols has also been involved in lobbying activities within the European Union and has received public subsidies for various projects.