The article explores the profit-driven nature of online petition platforms like Change.org, highlighting how these platforms commodify clicks and generate significant revenue while their social impact remains uncertain. It contrasts the simplistic, viral nature of successful petitions with the complex, global issues that are often overlooked. The piece also discusses the potential of open-source, community-driven digital tools to create meaningful change, using an Indonesian NGO's efforts to combat human trafficking as an example. The article is critical of the current model of 'clicktivism' and suggests that resources could be better allocated to empower local change in developing countries.

The article discusses the defeat of Jakarta's incumbent governor Basuki 'Ahok' Tjahaja Purnama by Anies Baswedan, analyzing it as less of a sign of rising Islamism and more as an indication of the power of entrenched political interests. The election result is seen as a shock, with comparisons to Donald Trump's victory in the U.S. The author, Nithin Coca, suggests that the use of religious and ethnic appeals to delegitimize Ahok was a new strategy in Indonesia, highlighting the role of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in organizing mass rallies against him. The article also touches on the potential implications for future elections, including the 2019 presidential race, and the possibility that the use of religion as a wedge issue could lead to the rise of a conservative-religious political leader, changing the secular and tolerant nature of Indonesian politics.

Indonesia's deforestation, driven by companies like PT Toba Pulp Lestari and APRIL, is linked to the production of dissolving wood pulp for viscose, which is exported to China, including Xinjiang. These practices have led to land seizures and conflicts with local communities. The viscose industry in Xinjiang, dominated by Zhongtai Chemical Co, is implicated in forced labor of Uighurs. Despite sustainability efforts by some brands, Indonesian DWP exports to China have grown, and companies like TPL and APRIL plan to expand, potentially increasing deforestation. NGOs like KSPPM and AMAN Tano Batak advocate for community rights, while Canopy and other environmental groups work to reduce deforestation risks. TPL and APRIL deny allegations and claim adherence to sustainability policies.

The article discusses the challenges faced by labour and human rights watchdogs operating in China, particularly in the Xinjiang region, amid allegations of forced labour and human rights abuses. It highlights the compromises and tough decisions these organizations must make to maintain access and effectiveness under the increasingly authoritarian rule of President Xi Jinping. The Better Cotton Initiative's delayed exit from Xinjiang and the criticism it faced for its handling of the situation are central to the narrative. The article also examines the limitations and criticisms of various labour monitoring initiatives and the impact of China's strict controls and surveillance on their operations.

The article criticizes the silence of environmental organizations and governments at COP26 on human rights abuses in China, particularly in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong. It highlights the tension between addressing climate change and acknowledging human rights violations, with some organizations prioritizing climate cooperation over human rights advocacy. The article underscores the need for a balanced approach that considers both environmental and human rights issues, questioning the effectiveness of engaging with China's authoritarian regime without addressing its human rights record.

In the late 1980s, youth-led democracy movements transformed several Asian economies, but the Tiananmen Square crackdown in China marked the end of this wave. While South Korea and Taiwan successfully transitioned to democracies, China's influence has since grown, affecting neighboring countries' political landscapes. China's economic power has supported authoritarian regimes in countries like Cambodia and Thailand, limiting democratic progress. Despite past movements, China's future remains uncertain, with its influence both dampening and potentially reviving democracy in Asia.

The article discusses the connection between Beijing's hosting of the Olympics and the increased oppression of Uighurs and other minorities in China. It highlights the historical context of Olympic boycotts and the failure of the 2008 Beijing Olympics to improve human rights in China. The article criticizes the International Olympic Committee for awarding the games to Beijing and suggests that a boycott could have pressured China to address its human rights abuses. It also notes the rise in Islamophobia and the expansion of the security state in China, particularly in Xinjiang and Tibet.

China has begun using tourism as a strategic tool to exert economic pressure on other countries, as seen in its response to South Korea's deployment of the THAAD missile defense system. By restricting outbound tourists, China can significantly impact the tourism industries of targeted nations. This tactic has been effective against South Korea and Palau and poses a potential threat to other countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Taiwan has managed to mitigate the impact by diversifying its inbound tourism sources. The Chinese government's control over tour agencies and the growing number of independent Chinese travelers are key factors in this strategy. The use of tourism as a coercive tool is difficult to counter and may become a regular part of Beijing's geopolitical arsenal.

The article highlights the severe persecution of Uighur Muslims in China's Xinjiang region, including internment camps, surveillance, and religious restrictions. Despite the gravity of the situation, Muslim leaders and countries have largely remained silent, influenced by economic ties and political considerations with China. The article contrasts this silence with the vocal support for other Muslim causes like Palestine and Rohingya. It also explores the potential for change in countries like Malaysia and Turkey, where political dynamics and cultural connections to the Uighurs could lead to more vocal opposition to China's actions.