The article argues that the term 'ethnic cleansing' is a euphemism for genocide, drawing parallels between the Bosnian genocide in the 1990s and the current situation in Gaza. It criticizes the use of the term 'ethnic cleansing' as part of genocide denial and calls for proper terminology to ensure accountability and respect for victims. The text highlights the systematic targeting and massacring of Palestinian civilians by the Israeli army, with the backing of political leaders, and condemns the lack of sufficient action to stop the genocide.

The article discusses the sinking of a vessel off the coast of Pylos, Greece, which was under surveillance by Frontex, the European Union’s border security agency. Despite being aware of the vessel's distress, Frontex did not intervene promptly, leading to the loss of hundreds of lives. The agency's actions, as well as those of the Greek coastguard, are under scrutiny. The article criticizes Frontex for its failure to prevent human rights violations and for not using its significant resources to save lives. It also highlights the agency's defensive stance during a seminar in Warsaw, where it focused on terminology and legal protections rather than its humanitarian responsibilities. The author argues that the EU's approach to migration is overly punitive and calls for a more compassionate and responsible use of power to save lives and uphold human dignity.

The article discusses the sinking of a vessel off the coast of Pylos, Greece, which was under surveillance by Frontex, the European Union’s border security agency. Despite being aware of the vessel's distress, Frontex did not intervene, leading to the loss of hundreds of lives. The article criticizes Frontex's lack of action and the EU's approach to immigration, highlighting the agency's significant budget and its failure to prevent human rights violations at EU borders. It also recounts the author's visit to Frontex headquarters during the incident, where the agency's representatives focused on correcting misconceptions rather than addressing the ongoing tragedy. The article suggests that the EU's policies criminalize migration and calls for a more humane approach that values human lives over border control.

The article recounts the author's experiences in Belgrade, Serbia, during the COVID-19 pandemic. After Serbia closed its borders, a curfew was imposed, and the government began to enforce strict measures, including building a temporary hospital. President Aleksandar Vučić's address sparked protests against his administration's handling of the crisis. As the pandemic progressed, Serbia appeared to relax restrictions, but a report by BIRN suggested underreported COVID-19 data. Political tensions rose with hunger strikes and protests against the government's actions. Despite initial non-violent protests, the situation escalated with police violence. The author reflects on the contagious nature of both fear and hope amidst these events.

The article describes the dire conditions and police brutality faced by refugees in the Vučjak camp near Bihać, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The camp, situated on a former landfill and surrounded by minefields, is where men with no space in other camps are forced to live. The local Red Cross provides two daily meals, but the refugees, including minors, lack proper clothing and footwear, often as a result of attempts to cross the border or mistreatment by Croatian police. The article details an incident of a police officer assaulting a refugee and the subsequent intimidation of the journalist by police. It also covers earlier events of the day, where police segregated refugees at the Bira camp and forcibly transported them to Vučjak. The EU, through organizations like IOM, UNHCR, and DRC, funds the camps, but there is a lack of transparency in how the funds are used, with allegations that a significant portion is allocated to strengthening border control rather than improving conditions for migrants. The article criticizes the EU for witnessing the humanitarian crisis and violence at its borders without taking effective action.

Gill Phillips, director of editorial legal services at The Guardian, discusses the evolving role of media lawyers amidst the digital transformation of journalism. She has provided legal counsel on major stories like the Edward Snowden leaks and has seen increased dangers for journalists, including state surveillance and high-profile murders. Phillips emphasizes the importance of pre-publication legal work to avoid potential lawsuits and post-publication handling of legal complaints. She also notes the shift towards collaborative journalism, as seen in the Snowden, Paradise Papers, and Panama Papers cases, which has increased safety and allowed for more effective handling of large data sets. Phillips advocates for the necessity of media lawyers, especially in regions like the Balkans where investigative journalism faces autocratic regimes and limited legal support. She also addresses the challenges of protecting whistleblowers and the ethical responsibility of journalists to report the truth, distinguishing between fake news and propaganda.

The article discusses the violence and abuse faced by migrants at the borders of the European Union, with a focus on recent incidents recorded by No Name Kitchen, a volunteer group aiding migrants in Bosnia. It highlights cases of violence, including sexual violence, racism, and Islamophobia against migrants, particularly women, by border officials in countries like Croatia and Slovenia. The article criticizes the lack of action and condemnation from European leaders and contrasts the EU's response to migrant abuse with its reaction to the Cologne attacks in 2015. It also points out the hypocrisy of European liberals who condemn US policies but ignore abuses at EU borders. The author calls for accountability and action against these human rights violations, warning that ignoring them could lead to a Europe where violence against 'the other' is acceptable.

The article highlights the violence and sexual abuse faced by migrants, particularly women, at the borders of the European Union. It criticizes the EU and its border police for their brutal treatment of migrants and the lack of accountability for these actions. The piece also condemns the media and European officials for their silence and hypocrisy in addressing these human rights abuses, drawing a parallel with the #MeToo movement and the need for Europe to learn from its past mistakes.

The article discusses the situation in Idomeni, a small village near the Greek-Macedonian border, which became a provisional refugee camp after the Balkan route was closed, leaving around 15,000 refugees and migrants stranded. The camp was known for its sense of community and solidarity among volunteers and refugees. However, the European Union is criticized for its failure to handle the crisis, as the refugees were eventually moved to government-run camps with poor conditions and limited freedom. The article highlights the despair and loss felt by the refugees and volunteers, as independent camps like Idomeni and EKO station were shut down, and the refugees were dispersed to various camps, severing the close ties they had formed.

Ratko Mladic, former Chief Commander of the Army of Republika Srpska, has been found guilty of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The article criticizes the European Union and Western leaders for their hesitation and inaction during the Yugoslav wars, which allowed far-right and ultranationalist ideologies to spread. The author reflects on the ongoing impact of these ideologies in Europe and the world, drawing parallels between past and present far-right movements.

The article shares the personal experiences of the author, Nidzara Ahmetasevic, and other refugees, highlighting the dire conditions faced by refugees in Greece. It criticizes the lack of meaningful support from international organizations and governments, emphasizing the failure of the international community to address the refugee crisis effectively. The author draws parallels between her own experiences as a Bosnian refugee and the current plight of refugees in Greece, underscoring the persistent issues of neglect and inadequate aid.

Migrants in Greece are protesting against poor living conditions and treatment through hunger strikes. The protests began at Elliniko camp, an abandoned sports complex from the 2004 Olympics, now housing 1,000 refugees. Similar dissent is growing on the Aegean islands, where conditions are dire, with recent deaths from smoke inhalation and hypothermia. The islands are overcrowded, with Lesbos alone housing 4,800 people in camps designed for 3,800. Mayors from five islands have demanded the transfer of people to the mainland. Mental health professionals criticize the inhumane conditions and the impact on migrants' mental health. The European Commission plans to speed up asylum procedures and possibly transport people to the mainland, but the logistics remain unclear. Advocates argue for better living conditions and clear communication about the future to the migrants.

Nidžara Ahmetašević is a distinguished journalist based in Sarajevo, known for her investigative reporting on sensitive issues such as human rights, migrations, war crimes, and the influence of media. Her dedication to journalism has been recognized through various accolades, including being short-listed for the European Press Prize in 2022 and winning the Fetisov Journalism Prize for her contribution to peace. Her work not only sheds light on critical social issues but also contributes to the broader discourse on peace and justice.

Bosnia and Herzegovina has experienced a significant population decline of 20 percent since the last census before the 1992-1995 war. The recent census, conducted in October 2013, has become a point of contention among political entities due to its potential impact on the power-sharing government structure based on ethnic quotas. The results, which are yet to be officially published, suggest a shift in the ethnic composition, with Bosniaks now making up over half the population. The EU has pressured Bosnia to publish the census as a condition for its application to join the union. However, political entities like Republika Srpska have their own methodologies for counting the population, which could exclude many Bosniaks and Croats. The dispute over the census methodology has led to concerns about the accuracy of the results and accusations of political manipulation. Bosnia also faces the challenge of the highest youth unemployment rate in Europe, with over 65 percent of young people jobless.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia's verdict on Radovan Karadzic, which found him guilty of war crimes, is unlikely to change perceptions or politics in the Balkans. The tribunal's decisions are seen as distant and not well communicated to the local population, often remaining a tool for political manipulation. Despite the tribunal's work, the region is no closer to reconciliation, with nationalism still prevalent in local politics. The hope is that a new generation will be able to overcome these challenges and find a way to peace.

The article discusses the multifaceted issues facing Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the problem of stray dogs, poverty, corruption, and the country's readiness to apply for EU membership. Despite the government's optimism about joining the EU, experts like Jessie Hronesova and Bodo Weber express skepticism about Bosnia's preparedness and the potential reinforcement of corrupt political elites. The country struggles with high unemployment, low GDP, and a lack of basic services, such as adequate healthcare. The European Commission's progress report, which claims Bosnia is on the reform track, is widely criticized by the public and analysts. Human Rights Watch also highlights the vulnerability of journalists and the lack of progress in protecting human rights. The article paints a bleak picture of life in Bosnia 20 years after the war, with many citizens considering emigration due to the lack of solutions to the country's problems.

The Dayton Peace Accords ended the Bosnian War but failed to establish lasting peace, creating a complex and ineffective political system. The international community's involvement has been inconsistent and often counterproductive, leading to ongoing unrest and dissatisfaction among citizens. The article calls for new political voices and ideas to address Bosnia's endemic problems and warns of potential future unrest if current issues are not resolved.

The article recounts the atrocities committed during the Bosnian War in Prijedor, where Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats were expelled, tortured, raped, and killed by Serb nationalists. Emir Hodžić, a survivor, returned to Prijedor to honor the victims and faced resistance from local authorities. The article discusses the efforts of survivors and activists, including Edin Ramulić and Goran Zorić, to commemorate the victims and promote dialogue, despite opposition and threats. It also touches on the challenges of achieving justice, with few convictions for war crimes and a lack of public awareness or interest in the trials. The Bosnian government's disinterest in addressing war divisions and the economic hardships faced by the country are highlighted. The article concludes with a powerful demonstration where activists laid out schoolbags and white roses to honor the murdered children, and a plea from Zoran Vučkovac for a memorial.

Leading sociologist Dino Abazovic criticizes Bosnia's elites for focusing on ethnic identity and conflict, arguing that the real issue for most people today is the struggle between rich and poor.

A year after the February protests, participants continue to face targeting by an increasingly oppressive state apparatus in Bosnia, highlighting ongoing concerns about state surveillance and civil rights.

Professor Robert Donia's book, 'Radovan Karadzic: Architect of the Bosnian Genocide,' portrays Karadzic as a manipulative and aggressive leader responsible for the Bosnian genocide. The book, based on extensive research and documents from Hague prosecutors, argues that Karadzic and the Bosnian Serb leadership had a clear intent to commit genocide. It also explores the relationship between Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic, highlighting their roles in the Srebrenica massacre. Donia warns against the dangers of nationalism and the potential for democracy to facilitate atrocities, emphasizing the need for international vigilance.

The article discusses the enduring impact of the Srebrenica genocide, focusing on the book 'Srebrenica in the Aftermath of Genocide' by Lara J. Nettelfield and Sarah Wagner. The authors, who lived in Bosnia and conducted extensive research, explore various interventions by survivors and organizations to commemorate the genocide and cope with its aftermath. The book highlights the ongoing denial of the genocide by some political figures, particularly in Republika Srpska and Serbia, and underscores the importance of acknowledging the past to move forward. The Hague Tribunal's role in shaping post-war Bosnia's legal discourse is also emphasized.

The article discusses the aftermath of catastrophic floods in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, and Croatia, which caused significant damage and displaced many people. It highlights the resilience and solidarity among the affected communities, including the influx of volunteers and the humor that helps them cope. The piece also delves into the story of Edin Džeko, a Bosnian footballer playing for Manchester City, who has become a symbol of hope for Bosnia. Džeko's background, his connection to the Bosnian war, and his role in uniting the country through football are explored. The national football team's journey to the World Cup and their efforts to aid flood victims are also covered, illustrating the sport's power to bring people together and provide a sense of national pride amidst adversity.

The protest movement in Bosnia, which began almost four months ago, continues to influence the country despite appearing quieter. Significant changes include increased civic engagement, the emergence of new leaders, and a breakdown of ethnic tensions. Citizens are actively protesting against local government decisions and demanding accountability. The movement has also seen involvement from the diaspora, indicating a broader impact. However, there are attempts to suppress these voices from both local politicians and the international community focused on maintaining stability.

Protesters in Bosnia are organizing 'plenums' to articulate their demands and seek solutions, reflecting a grassroots approach to democracy. The plenums have seen participation from diverse groups, including former soldiers, students, and professionals, and have resulted in specific demands such as the establishment of a non-political Cantonal government and audits of public officials' salaries and privatisations. Despite facing police intimidation and media opposition, the movement is supported by organizations like Human Rights Watch and Civil Rights Defenders. The protesters aim to create a democratic state that respects basic social rights, despite the challenges ahead.

The article describes the author's participation in peaceful protests in Sarajevo against government corruption and poor living conditions. The protests, initially peaceful, turned violent, leading to arrests and police actions. The author recounts a poignant moment with a father whose son was detained, highlighting the emotional and physical struggles faced by the protesters. The protesters demand the resignation of the Federation government, the formation of a new government by the people of Sarajevo, and assurance of security for peaceful protests. The text underscores the determination of the protesters to create a better country through democratic means.

The article discusses the increasing pressure and intimidation faced by journalists in the Balkans, particularly in Montenegro. It recounts the author's experience at a conference that turned out to be an event aimed at discrediting and intimidating the media. The author expresses concern over the state of media freedom in the region and the challenges faced by journalists who resist such pressures. The text highlights the irony of significant investments in media assistance yielding poor results in terms of genuine dialogue and freedom of expression.

Prosecutors and the defense have acknowledged the authenticity of Ratko Mladic's handwritten notebooks, which contain about 3,500 pages of notes from 1991 to 1995. These notebooks, seized by Serbian police, are considered crucial evidence in the trial of Radovan Karadzic, the wartime president of Republika Srpska, who is indicted for crimes committed during the Bosnian War. Despite Karadzic's objections, the trial chamber decided to admit the notebooks in their entirety. The trial is paused for two weeks to allow Karadzic to review additional audio and video materials.

The Hague prosecution officials have denied allegations made by Vojislav Seselj, leader of the Serbian Radical Party, that former chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte and her team intimidated and attempted to bribe witnesses. An investigation has been launched, led by an independent legal advisor, to examine these claims. Witnesses have alleged various forms of pressure, including frequent calls and promises of financial incentives. The investigation's findings are expected to be reported to the trial chamber within six months.

The UN is deliberating the future of the vast archive of the International Crime Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which contains over a zettabyte of data, including documents, electronic records, and artifacts. The archive, crucial for historical and legal purposes, faces challenges regarding its future location and accessibility. Efforts are underway to digitize and transcribe parts of the archive into local languages, funded by the European Commission. Experts emphasize the importance of open access to the archive for democracy and historical accuracy, while the UN Security Council considers the financial and logistical aspects of maintaining the archive.

Richard Mole, a former British soldier and commander of the UN Military Observer for Sarajevo, testified about the pervasive fear and daily casualties in Sarajevo during the siege by the Army of Republika Srpska. He described the heavy artillery fire and the constant threat faced by the city's residents. Radovan Karadzic, the wartime president of Republika Srpska, is on trial for his role in the siege. Mole noted an anti-Serb bias in some foreign media and politicians. His cross-examination will continue on 18 August.

The article reviews Lara Nettelfield's book on the impact of the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on Bosnia and Herzegovina. It highlights the Tribunal's role in advancing democratization, facilitating social movements, and changing attitudes about accountability. The book underscores the importance of outreach and local knowledge in international justice. It also calls for further research on the ICTY's influence in other regions of the former Yugoslavia and advocates for the book's translation into regional languages.

The prosecution in the Karadzic trial is set to call new witnesses, including Richard Mole, Richard Higgs, and Tomasz Blaszczyk. Mole, a former UN Senior Military Observer, will testify about the Bosnian Serb forces' shelling and sniping campaign in Sarajevo. Higgs, a British Army advisor, will provide evidence from various reports on shelling incidents. Blaszczyk, an investigator, will present crucial evidence from Ratko Mladic's diaries. Karadzic faces charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

Hague prosecutors plan to use secret recordings made by Ratko Mladic, the wartime commander of the Army of Republika Srpska, in trials against several individuals including Radovan Karadzic. The recordings, seized from Mladic's family home, include audio and video materials, notebooks, and other evidence. The prosecution has been allowed to add these materials to the Karadzic case, and further analysis is ongoing. Mladic remains at large, believed to be hiding in Serbia, while Karadzic's trial continues.

Serbia's war crimes prosecution faced criticism after Ejup Ganic was released from British custody, with the London court accusing Serbia of political manipulation. The case was seen as an attempt by Serbia to use the threat of a war-crimes trial to force Bosnia to accept a Serbian apology for the Srebrenica massacre, aiming to smooth Serbia's path to EU membership. The court found that Serbia omitted key facts in its extradition request, suggesting political motivations. The case has sparked debate over Serbia's handling of war crimes and its political implications.

The UK authorities informed the Tribunal that Krajisnik, serving a 20-year sentence for crimes against humanity, became eligible for early release after serving half his sentence. However, the Tribunal president denied the request, citing the severity of his crimes and the insufficient time served. Krajisnik, convicted in 2006 and sentenced to 27 years, later reduced to 20 years, expressed remorse and a commitment to reconciliation if released. The decision considered the gravity of his crimes, rehabilitation, and cooperation with the Prosecutor.

General Ratko Mladic remains at large 15 years after his indictment by the ICTY for genocide and other war crimes. Despite multiple indictments and ongoing efforts to capture him, including a recent amendment to his charges, Mladic's whereabouts are still debated, with many believing he is hiding in Serbia. The European Union has made his arrest a condition for Serbia's EU membership. Mladic's wartime diaries, discovered in 2009 and 2010, are expected to play a significant role in ongoing trials at the UN war crimes tribunal. His family has requested he be declared legally dead, citing no contact for seven years.

Veselin Vlahovic, indicted for war crimes in Bosnia, awaits extradition from Spain. The extradition date remains unset, pending technical procedures by Spanish police. Vlahovic, arrested in Spain in March, is accused of using false identities and is a suspect in an armed robbery case. He faces charges in Bosnia for over 50 murders and other war crimes in Sarajevo's Grbavica district during the Bosnian War. Vlahovic, who has admitted to numerous killings and other crimes, is also wanted by Montenegro and Serbia.

Radovan Karadzic, on trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, faces criticism for his cross-examination methods. During the trial, Egyptian General Hussein Ali Abdel Rezak, a former UNPROFOR commander, testified about the dire conditions in Sarajevo during the war, describing it as a civil conflict. Karadzic, accused of orchestrating a campaign of terror against Sarajevo's civilians, claimed the Bosnian Serbs were victims of biased international media. The trial highlights the complexities of the Bosnian War and the challenges in addressing war crimes.

Hussein Ali Abdel-Razek, a former Egyptian general and head of the Sarajevo sector of UNPROFOR, testified at Radovan Karadzic's trial, asserting that Karadzic was the decision-maker during the Bosnian War and that Sarajevo faced heavy bombardment and sniper fire. Abdel-Razek's testimony, partially read from a previous trial, highlighted the Bosnian Serb leadership's denial of responsibility for attacks. The trial also included cross-examination of Milan Mandilovic, who refuted Karadzic's claims about Serb doctors being maltreated by Bosnian forces.

The extradition hearings for Ejup Ganic, accused of war crimes by Serbia, concluded with the defense arguing political motivation behind the extradition request. Ganic, arrested in London, is suspected of involvement in a 1992 attack on the Yugoslav People's Army. The defense presented witnesses, including former international prosecutor Philippe Alcock, who found no evidence against Ganic. The prosecution, representing Serbia, argued for extradition, claiming a fair trial in Belgrade. The hearings highlighted political tensions between Bosnia and Serbia, with discussions of a potential deal mediated by Turkey. Ganic expressed fears for his safety if extradited to Serbia.

The International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) recognized the role of propaganda in the Srebrenica genocide, sentencing Milan Gvero to five years in prison for his involvement. The verdict highlighted the dissemination of false information to mislead international authorities and delay actions that could have thwarted the Bosnian Serb army's efforts. The trial also noted the significant role of media and propaganda in the Bosnian war, with previous indictments against leaders like Slobodan Milosevic and Momcilo Krajisnik. Despite the recognition of propaganda's impact, no journalists have been tried, and investigations into media roles in war crimes remain limited.

Mandic testified that intercepted recordings, which included conversations with Radovan Karadzic, were presented as evidence despite objections. The recordings, made by Sarajevo's secret police in 1991, were previously used in other trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Mandic denied Karadzic's interference but acknowledged his requests for Serb representation in the police. Mandic, elected deputy minister of interior in 1991, recounted a directive to form the Serb Ministry of Interior in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prosecution alleges Karadzic led efforts to remove non-Serbs from parts of Bosnia.

Milan Gvero, a former assistant commander of the Army of Republika Srpska, has been granted early release by the ICTY President Judge Patrick Robinson. Gvero, who was involved in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, has served more than two-thirds of his prison term and requires urgent medical treatment. Despite objections from the prosecution and some trial chamber judges, the decision was made on humanitarian grounds. Other high-ranking officers involved in the Srebrenica crimes have received various sentences, with some facing life imprisonment for genocide.

The discovery of General Ratko Mladic’s wartime notebooks could significantly impact several ongoing trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The notebooks, found in Mladic’s wife's apartment, contain valuable information that may corroborate existing claims against various Bosnian Serb and Croatian leaders. The prosecution believes these notes will influence the trials of Radovan Karadzic, Vojislav Seselj, and others. Despite some skepticism about their authenticity, the prosecution and key witnesses assert their validity. The ICTY is expected to conclude its work by 2014, but the introduction of these notebooks could extend the duration of affected trials.

General John Wilson testified about his interactions with Ratko Mladic during the Bosnian War, highlighting Mladic's threats to burn Sarajevo if the Yugoslav People’s Army was attacked. Wilson's testimony supports the indictment against Mladic and Radovan Karadzic for crimes against humanity and genocide. Karadzic, during cross-examination, attempted to downplay Mladic's threats as mere intimidation, but Wilson affirmed that Mladic acted on his threats, leading to the heavy bombardment of Sarajevo on May 28, 1992.

The trial chamber has limited Radovan Karadzic's cross-examination time to seven hours per witness. Karadzic, the wartime leader of the Bosnian Serbs, is on trial for war crimes, including genocide, committed during the 1992-1995 Bosnian War. He objected to the time limit, arguing that prosecution witnesses like American historian Robert Donia have created misconceptions about his guilt. Australian General John Wilson testified about the heavy shelling of Sarajevo by Serb forces, led by General Ratko Mladic, and the dire conditions faced by civilians. The trial continues with further testimonies.

Serge Brammertz's report to the Security Council emphasizes the critical need for cooperation between Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia to fulfill the Tribunal's mandate. Despite positive steps in regional cooperation, legal obstacles and parallel war crimes investigations pose significant challenges. The report highlights the urgency of arresting fugitives Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic, and calls for improved operational strategies by Serbian authorities. Cooperation with Croatia and Bosnia is deemed generally satisfactory, though issues like missing military documents and escaped convicts remain. ICTY President Patrick Robinson underscores the importance of victim compensation and calls for continued support from the UN Security Council.

The article reflects on the need for political accountability and responsible governance in the Balkans, drawing a comparison with British Prime Minister David Cameron's response to the Saville report on Bloody Sunday. It criticizes local politicians for their lack of care and responsibility towards their people, highlighting the horrors of the Yugoslav wars and the need for leaders who acknowledge past mistakes and work towards a better future.

Radovan Karadzic, the former Bosnian Serb leader on trial for war crimes, aimed to portray the Sarajevo Romanija Corps as a self-defense group rather than a military force. Military expert Richard Philips, testifying for the prosecution, argued that the Corps was well-organized with a functional chain of command. Philips' diagrams of the Corps' structure were submitted as evidence. The cross-examination of Philips concluded, and the prosecution will next call John Wilson, a former senior military liaison, to testify about events in Sarajevo in 1992.

The prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia called a new witness, Philips, to testify against Radovan Karadzic. Philips, a former British Army intelligence officer, analyzed documents related to the Sarajevo Romanija Corps (SRC) to explain its structure and command chain. He testified that the SRC had a stable and effective command chain. Karadzic, who is on trial for the siege of Sarajevo, cross-examined Philips, questioning the organization and conditions of the SRC. The trial chamber limited Karadzic's cross-examination time to five hours.

The 27 EU foreign ministers decided to move forward with Serbia's EU pre-accession process after a positive report on Serbia's cooperation with the ICTY. Serbian officials, including Milica Delevic and Slavica Djukic Dejanovic, welcomed the decision as an incentive for further reforms. However, opposition figures and human rights organizations criticized the move, arguing it undermines conditionality and justice for war crimes. The ratification process, expected to take one to two years, will be a significant test for Serbian diplomacy, with potential implications for Kosovo's recognition.

Wartime generals Ante Gotovina, Ivan Cermak, and Mladen Markac face charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes for their roles in the Croatian military offensive 'Operation Storm'. The trial, lasting over two and a half years, concluded evidence presentation on June 11, with closing arguments expected in August. The prosecution seeks military documents from Zagreb, crucial for Croatia's EU accession. Chief prosecutor Serge Brammertz will report on Croatia's cooperation with the ICTY to EU foreign ministers and the UN Security Council, with mixed evaluations on document handover but positive on other cooperation aspects.

The ICTY's first-instance verdict found several high-ranking military and police officials from Republika Srpska guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity for their roles in the Srebrenica massacre. Reactions in Bosnia are mixed, with some expressing partial satisfaction and others condemning the verdict as biased against Serbs. The verdict has sparked significant controversy and differing opinions among various groups in Bosnia and Republika Srpska.

The ICTY has delivered a landmark verdict in the trial of seven former high-ranking Bosnian Serb officials, finding them guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity related to the Srebrenica massacre. The court identified 5,336 bodies, with the number potentially as high as 7,826. Key figures, including Vujadin Popovic and Ljubisa Beara, received life sentences, while others received varying prison terms. The trial, the largest in ICTY history, confirmed the systematic and organized nature of the genocide, implicating top Bosnian Serb leaders like Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. The prosecution welcomed the judgment, which underscores the gravity of the crimes committed.

The ICTY has found Vujadin Popovic and Ljubisa Beara guilty of genocide in Srebrenica, sentencing them to life imprisonment. Drago Nikolic was found guilty of aiding and abetting genocide and sentenced to 35 years. Ljubomir Borovcanin received 17 years for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity, while Vinko Pandurevic, Radivoje Miletic, and Milan Gvero were sentenced for crimes against humanity. This ruling marks the second Srebrenica genocide verdict by the ICTY, following the 2004 conviction of Radislav Krstic. The trials of Radovan Karadzic and Zdravko Tolimir are ongoing, and Ratko Mladic remains at large.

Radovan Karadzic continued his cross-examination of American historian Robert Donia, focusing on a document titled 'What is the Serb proposal?' which Karadzic deemed significant. Donia, who had not seen the document before, did not find it relevant. Karadzic argued that the document was set aside after the Muslim Bosniak Organisation proposed an 'historic agreement' in 1991, which aimed to keep Bosnia part of Yugoslavia. Karadzic read aloud from intercepted conversations and transcripts to demonstrate his peaceful intentions before the war. The trial chamber extended Karadzic's cross-examination of Donia by one more day. Karadzic is indicted for crimes committed during the Bosnian War, including genocide and crimes against humanity.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has limited Radovan Karadzic's cross-examination time of prosecution witness Donia, citing ineffective use of time. Karadzic, the wartime leader of the Bosnian Serbs, is on trial for crimes including genocide. He argued that the limitation jeopardizes his defense, claiming Donia is biased. The trial includes discussions of Karadzic's 1991 speech to the Bosnian Parliament and intercepted conversations, which he argues show his intent to maintain peace. Donia disagrees, interpreting Karadzic's actions as war-mongering.

Presiding judge O-Gon Kwon warned Radovan Karadzic about his ineffective cross-examination methods, emphasizing the need to use time efficiently. Karadzic, indicted for crimes including genocide, completed four days of cross-examination of Colm Doyle, who often responded with limited knowledge. Karadzic accused the European Community monitoring mission of bias, which Doyle denied. The trial chamber rejected Karadzic's motions for additional time and temporary trial cancellation. The next hearing will involve prosecution witness Arnout Van Lynden.

More than 18 years after the Serbian paramilitary group known as the Tigers, led by Zeljko Raznatovic “Arkan”, committed atrocities in Bijeljina, Bosnia, no member has faced trial for war crimes. Despite evidence and testimonies, issues of identification and political connections have hindered prosecutions. The Tigers, formed in 1990, were involved in various conflicts across the Balkans, often acting with the support of Serbian state security. Investigations continue, but the likelihood of indictments remains low, with many former members living freely and some holding political positions.

The article reflects on the memories of May 2, 1992, the day the war officially started in Sarajevo, through the lens of survivors. Nihad Kresevljakovic compiled these memories into a book to preserve the experiences of those who lived through the siege. The book, reissued in May 2010, captures the personal stories of ordinary people affected by the war, emphasizing the importance of remembering such events to prevent future conflicts. The narratives include diverse experiences, from love and art to survival and loss, painting a human map of Sarajevo during the siege.

Several Srebrenica victims' associations, including the Women of Srebrenica and Mothers of Srebrenica, are protesting the destruction of over 1,000 artifacts found in mass graves, which were destroyed by the ICTY in 2005 and 2006 due to health hazards. The families, unaware of the destruction until 2009, are seeking accountability, particularly from Carla del Ponte, the former chief prosecutor at the ICTY. Despite the ICTY's claims that the artifacts were used in trials and that the Bosnian government was informed, the families remain skeptical and dissatisfied with the lack of transparency and accountability. The article also highlights the ongoing identification of Srebrenica massacre victims and the trials of key figures like Ratko Mladic and Zdravko Tolimir.

The prosecution has proposed an amended indictment against Ratko Mladic, aligning it more closely with the charges against Radovan Karadzic. The new indictment aims to facilitate the potential joinder of Mladic's case with Karadzic's ongoing trial. Mladic faces 11 counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes committed during the Bosnian War, including the siege of Sarajevo and the Srebrenica genocide. The amendments reflect updated legal and factual allegations and reduce the number of crimes from 15 to 11. Mladic remains at large, believed to be hiding in Serbia.

David Harland, a former UN official, testified about the terror experienced in Sarajevo during the Bosnian War, attributing it to the actions of Bosnian Serb forces under Radovan Karadzic's command. Harland described the constant shelling, sniping, and restrictions on essential supplies that created an atmosphere of fear. He also discussed the Markale market massacres, asserting that the attacks originated from Bosnian Serb positions, despite Karadzic's claims of government staging. Harland's testimony highlighted the strategic decisions made by UN officials to manage the situation and prepare for foreign military intervention.

During the siege of Sarajevo from 1992 to 1995, Zaimovic documented the injuries of 331 children admitted to Kosevo hospital. Testifying at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, she recounted the severe injuries and the challenges faced in treating the wounded. Radovan Karadzic, indicted for the siege, cross-examined Zaimovic, focusing on military aspects rather than her testimony. Zaimovic urged Karadzic to repent for his actions, accusing him of causing immense suffering. The trial will continue on May 6.

Sulejman Crncalo testified at Radovan Karadzic's trial, recounting the tragic day his wife was killed in the Markale massacre in Sarajevo on August 28, 1995. Crncalo described the harrowing scene and his subsequent search for his wife, who he found dead in a mortuary. Karadzic, serving as his own defense lawyer, expressed condolences but aimed to discredit the witness. The trial also featured testimony from Ahmet Zulic, who detailed his detention and torture in Serb-run camps. Karadzic faces multiple charges, including genocide, for his role in the Bosnian War.

The trial of former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic resumes at the ICTY with the prosecution presenting witnesses, including Ahmed Zulic, who will testify about atrocities committed in the Manjaca camp. Karadzic, who has pleaded not guilty to charges of war crimes and genocide, had previously requested a postponement of the trial, which was denied. The prosecution's witnesses include survivors of the Bosnian war, international officials, and experts who will provide testimony on the conditions and events during the conflict. The trial is set to proceed with hearings three times a week.

The article argues against the necessity of a resolution on Srebrenica, asserting that the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina was not limited to the events of July 1995 in Srebrenica. It criticizes the International Court of Justice's 2007 ruling as politically motivated and highlights the international community's failure to recognize and act on the genocide from 1992. The author emphasizes the need for prosecuting all perpetrators of genocide across Bosnia and Herzegovina, not just in Srebrenica, and calls for Serbia to do the same. The article also urges the international community to acknowledge its inaction and ensure it does not repeat such failures.

Milan and Sredoje Lukic, convicted war criminals, remain symbols of fear in Visegrad, Bosnia, due to their brutal crimes during the 1992-5 war. The International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia found them guilty of grave crimes, including the burning to death of over 100 civilians. Appeals for harsher sentences and retrials are ongoing. Survivors recount harrowing experiences, and there is criticism over the lack of rape charges despite substantial evidence. The White Eagles, a paramilitary unit linked to the Lukics, still instill fear in the town.

The Bosnian Prosecution has confirmed that if Ejup Ganic, a wartime member of the Bosnian presidency, is extradited to Bosnia and Herzegovina, he will be under their jurisdiction. Ganic, currently in London, was arrested on a Serbian warrant for alleged war crimes in Sarajevo in 1992. Both Serbia and Bosnia have requested his extradition, with Serbia not objecting to his trial in Bosnia. The case, marked as lacking sufficient evidence by the ICTY in 2002, remains under investigation by Bosnian authorities.

The trial against Radovan Karadzic has been postponed until the Appellate Chamber decides on his appeal. Karadzic completed his opening statement, focusing on the indictment's sections concerning Sarajevo and Srebrenica. He defended the actions of Bosnian Serb forces as reactions to the actions of the 'Muslim side' and denied the existence of a siege in Sarajevo. The prosecution aims to prove his involvement in a joint criminal enterprise to terrorize Sarajevo's civilians. Karadzic also addressed accusations of genocide and war crimes, denying plans for expulsions and claiming that Serbs were defending themselves.

The novel 'Povratak' by Sarajevo-based writer Snjezana Mulic explores the lives of five Bosnian refugees from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, all struggling to reclaim their pre-war lives. Through vivid storytelling, Mulic captures their emotional and bureaucratic challenges in post-war Bosnia. The book highlights the stark contrast between the technological advancements in the world and the stagnant conditions in Bosnia, making it a compelling read that holds the reader's attention until the very end.

Since the end of the Bosnian War, over 200 indictments have been issued for war crimes, with the majority of cases prosecuted by the State Court and various district courts. The Research and Documentation Center (RDC) has collected data showing that Serbs constitute the majority of indictees. The State Court has prosecuted 135 individuals, primarily for crimes committed in eastern and central Bosnia, with 87 convictions to date. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has indicted 161 people, with two high-profile fugitives still at large. The RDC aims to expand its data collection to include trials in other countries.

Justice Ministers from Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia are signing extradition agreements to address the issue of criminals evading justice due to dual citizenship. The treaties, driven by European Union demands, will enable arrests and extraditions across the three countries. The delay in signing these agreements is attributed to a lack of political will, despite long-standing pressure from the international community and civil society groups. The article criticizes politicians for their inaction and calls for citizens to demand change through voting.

Political apologies for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia, including those by Serbian President Boris Tadic, are seen as insincere by victims and human rights activists. While some analysts view these apologies as steps towards improved relations, critics argue that they lack concrete actions such as prosecutions and reparations. The International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia has indicted numerous individuals, but significant figures like Slobodan Milosevic died before verdicts were reached. Victims like Munira Subasic remain skeptical, feeling that these apologies are politically motivated rather than genuine efforts for reconciliation.

Around 1,500 people protested in support of Ilija Jurisic, who was sentenced to 12 years in prison by the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade District Court. Protestors, including Sinan Alic of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Foundation, criticized the trial's transparency and Serbia's handling of war crimes. Demonstrators wore yellow bands symbolizing Bosnia and Herzegovina as a Serbian ghetto, which they later removed in repudiation. The protest saw participation from notable figures like Tuzla Mayor Jasmin Imamovic and state MP Selim Beslagic.

The trial of Radovan Karadzic, the wartime leader of the Bosnian Serbs, is set to begin in The Hague, raising questions about its impact on Bosnia's past, present, and future. Karadzic faces charges of genocide and crimes against humanity for atrocities committed during the Bosnian War. The article criticizes both the international community and local politicians for their failures in governing Bosnia, which remains a semi-protectorate. It calls for a new beginning for Bosnia, free from past burdens, and emphasizes the need for internal political evolution or revolution to build a better future.

The film, based on a book by Ivica Djikic, will be shot in Capljina, Herzegovina, with principal photography starting Monday. Directed by Oscar-winner Danis Tanovic, the movie features prominent actors Miki Manojlovic and Mira Furlan. The production is a co-production involving the UK, Slovenia, Germany, Belgium, and Bosnia. Tanovic, who resides in Sarajevo, expressed his excitement about filming in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a feat he deemed impossible a decade ago.

The article discusses the political thriller film 'Storm,' directed by Hans Christian Schmid, which focuses on the work of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The director shares insights about the research and message of the movie, as well as its relevance to Europe and Bosnia today. The film explores layers of emotion and tension, reflecting on historical and contemporary issues in the region.

The German film 'The Storm,' directed by Hans-Christian Schmid, is a political thriller focusing on the aftermath of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It follows the trial of Goran Djuric, a former Yugoslav National Army general, at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The film highlights the challenges faced by war-crimes witnesses and the struggle for justice. It features strong performances, particularly by Anamaria Marinca, and explores themes of justice, truth, and identity. The film's release coincided with the nearing closure of the Hague Tribunal, adding a layer of real-world relevance.

Sevdah, a film by Marina Andree, explores the romantic passion and love inherent in the Bosnian tradition of sevdah singing, tracing the legacy through three generations of the Zaimovic family. Premiered at the 15th Sarajevo Film Festival, the film is praised for its emotional and visual journey through Bosnia's soul, capturing the essence of sevdah with positive energy and beautiful songs.

Radovan Karadzic, who once claimed an invisible high power would assist him, now has a team of nearly 40 associates helping him prepare for his trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).